Blackwater’s Secret War in Pakistan (slightly condensed)
Jeremy Scahill, Nation, Nov 23 2009
At a covert forward operating base run by the US Joint Special Operations Command in Karachi, members of an elite division of Blackwater are at the center of a secret program in which they plan targeted assassinations of suspected Taliban and Al Qaeda operatives, snatch and grabs of high-value targets, and other sensitive action inside and outside Pakistan, an investigation by the Nation has found. The Blackwater operatives also assist in gathering intelligence and help direct a secret US military drone bombing campaign that runs parallel to the well-documented CIA predator strikes, according to a well-placed source within the US military intelligence apparatus. The source, who has worked on covert US military programs for years, including AfPak, has direct knowledge of Blackwater’s involvement. The source said that the program is so compartmentalized that senior figures within the Obama administration and the US military chain of command may not be aware of its existence. The previously unreported program, the military intelligence source said, is distinct from the CIA assassination program that CIA director Panetta announced he had canceled in Jun 2009:
This is a parallel operation to the CIA. They are two separate beasts.
A former senior executive at Blackwater confirmed the military intelligence source’s claim that the company is working in Pakistan for the CIA and JSOC. He said that Blackwater is also working for the Pakistani government on a subcontract with an Islamabad-based security firm that puts US Blackwater operatives on the ground with Pakistani forces in NWFP and elsewhere in Pakistan. This arrangement, the former executive said, allows the Pakistani government to utilize former US Special Operations forces who now work for Blackwater, while denying an official US military presence in the country. He also confirmed that Blackwater has a facility in Karachi, and has personnel deployed elsewhere in Pakistan. His account and that of the military intelligence source were borne out by a US military source who has knowledge of Special Forces actions in Pakistan and Afghanistan. When asked about Blackwater’s covert work for JSOC in Pakistan, he told the Nation:
From my information that I have, that is absolutely correct. There’s no question that’s occurring.
Col. Lawrence Wilkerson, who served as Sec. State Powell’s chief of staff from 2002 to 2005, said that during his time in the Bush administration, he saw the beginnings of Blackwater’s involvement with the sensitive operations of the military and CIA. He said when told of Blackwater’s role in Pakistan:
It wouldn’t surprise me, because we’ve outsourced nearly everything. Part of this, of course, is an attempt to get around the constraints the Congress has placed on DoD. If you don’t have sufficient soldiers to do it, you hire civilians to do it. I mean, it’s that simple. It would not surprise me.
The covert JSOC program with Blackwater in Pakistan dates back to at least 2007, according to the military intelligence source. The main JSOC/Blackwater facility in Karachi, according to the source, is nondescript. Three trailers with various generators, satellite phones and computer systems are used as a makeshift operations center:
It’s not really visible, and that’s why nobody has cracked down on it. It’s not done through State Dept contracts or publicly identified Defense contracts. It’s Blackwater via JSOC, and it’s a classified no-bid approved on a rolling basis. It’s a very rudimentary operation. I would compare it to outposts in Kurdistan or any of the Special Forces outposts. It’s very bare bones, and that’s the point.
Blackwater’s work for JSOC in Karachi is coordinated out of a Task Force based at Bagram Air Base in Afghanistan, according to the military intelligence source. While JSOC technically runs the operations in Karachi, he said, it is largely staffed by former US special operations soldiers working for a division of Blackwater once known as Blackwater Select, and intelligence analysts working for a Blackwater affiliate, Total Intelligence Solutions, which is owned by Blackwater’s founder, Erik Prince. The military source said that the name Blackwater Select may have been changed recently. Total Intelligence, which is run out of an office on the ninth floor of a building in the Ballston area of Arlington, Virginia, is staffed by former analysts and operatives from the CIA, DIA, FBI and other agencies. In Karachi, TIS runs a “media-scouring/open-source network,” according to the source. Until recently, Total Intelligence was run by two former top CIA officials, Cofer Black and Robert Richer, both of whom have left the company. The US military intelligence source said that Blackwater’s classified contracts keep getting renewed at the request of JSOC. Blackwater, he said, is already so deeply entrenched that it has become a staple of the US military operations in Pakistan. Blackwater is not using either its original name or its new moniker Xe Services in Pakistan, according to the former Blackwater executive:
They are running most of their work through TIS because the other two have such a stain on them. The politics that go with the brand of BW is somewhat set aside, because what you’re doing is really one military guy to another.
Blackwater’s first known contract with the CIA for operations in Afghanistan was awarded in 2002 and was for work along the AfPak border. One of the concerns raised by the military intelligence source is that some Blackwater personnel are being given rolling security clearances above their approved clearances. Using Alternative Compartmentalized Control Measures, he said, the Blackwater personnel are granted clearance to a Special Access Program, the bureaucratic term used to describe highly classified black operations. Blackwater, therefore, has access to all-source reports that are culled in part from JSOC units in the field:
With an ACCM, the security manager can grant access to you to be exposed to and operate within compartmentalized programs far above secret, even though you have no business doing so. It allows Blackwater personnel that do not have the requisite security clearance or do not hold any security clearance whatsoever to participate in classified operations by virtue of trust. Think of it as an ultra-exclusive level above top secret. That’s exactly what it is: a circle of love. That’s how a lot of things over the years have been conducted with contractors. We have contractors that regularly see things that top policy-makers don’t unless they ask. Blackwater has effectively marketed itself as a company whose operatives have conducted lethal direct action missions and now, for a price, you can have your own planning cell. JSOC just ate that up. They have a sizable force in Pakistan, not for any nefarious purpose, if you really want to look at it that way, but to support a legitimate contract that’s classified for JSOC.
Blackwater’s Pakistan JSOC contracts are secret and are therefore shielded from public oversight. A spin-off of Blackwater Select was issued a no-bid contract for support to shooters for a JSOC Task Force and they kept extending it. Some of the Blackwater personnel work undercover as aid workers. Nobody even gives them a second thought. The Blackwater/JSOC Karachi operation is referred to as Qatar Cubed, in reference to the US forward operating base in Qatar that served as the hub for the planning and implementation of the US invasion of Iraq. This is supposed to be the brave new world. This is the Jamestown of the new millennium and it’s meant to be a lily pad. You can jump off to Uzbekistan, you can jump back over the border, you can jump sideways, you can jump northwest. It’s strategically located so that they can get their people wherever they have to without having to wrangle with the military chain of command in Afghanistan, which is convoluted. They don’t have to deal with that because they’re operating under a classified mandate. Blackwater does not actually carry out the operations, which are executed on the ground by JSOC forces. Blackwater is not doing the actual killing as part of its work in Pakistan.
In addition to planning drone strikes and operations against suspected Al Qaeda and Taliban forces in Pakistan for both JSOC and the CIA, the Blackwater team in Karachi also helps plan missions for JSOC inside Uzbekistan against the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan. That piqued my curiosity, and really worries me, because I don’t know if you noticed, but I was never told we are at war with Uzbekistan. So, did I miss something, did Rumsfeld come back into power? The Select personnel are not going into places with private aircraft and going after targets. It’s not like Blackwater Select people are running around assassinating people. Instead, US Special Forces teams carry out the plans developed in part by Blackwater. There’s a distinction between the Blackwater operatives who work for the State Dept, “Blackwater Vanilla,” and the seasoned Special Forces veterans who work on the JSOC program. Good or bad, there’s a small number of people who know how to pull off an operation like that. That’s probably a good thing. It’s the Blackwater Select people that have and continue to plan these types of operations because they’re the only people that know how and they went where the money was. It’s not trigger-happy fucks, like some of the Personal Security Detail guys. These are not people that believe that Barack Obama is a socialist, these are not people that kill innocent civilians. They’re very good at what they do.
The former Blackwater executive, when asked for confirmation that Blackwater forces were not actively killing people in Pakistan, said, “that’s not entirely accurate.” While he concurred with the military intelligence source’s description of the JSOC and CIA programs, he pointed to another role Blackwater is allegedly playing in Pakistan, not for the US government but for Islamabad. According to the executive, Blackwater works on a subcontract for Kestral Logistics, a powerful Pakistani firm, which specializes in military logistical support, private security and intelligence consulting. It is staffed with former high-ranking Pakistani army and government officials. While Kestral’s main offices are in Pakistan, it also has branches in several other countries. According to federal lobbying records, Kestral recently hired former Asst. Sec. State for Western Hemisphere Affairs Noriega, who served in that post from 2003 to 2005, to lobby the US government, including the State Dept, USAID and Congress, on foreign affairs issues “regarding Kestral’s capabilities to carry out activities of interest to the US.” Noriega was hired through his firm, Vision Americas, which he runs with Christina Rocca, a former CIA operations official who served as Asst. Sec. State for South Asian affairs from 2001 to 2006 and was deeply involved in shaping US policy toward Pakistan. In Oct 2009, Kestral paid Vision Americas $15,000 and paid a Vision Americas-affiliated firm, Firecreek, an equal amount to lobby on defense and foreign policy issues. For years, Kestral has done a robust business in defense logistics with the Pakistani government and other nations, as well as top US defense companies. Blackwater owner Erik Prince is close with Kestral CEO Liaquat Ali Baig, according to the former Blackwater executive:
Ali and Erik have a pretty close relationship. They’ve met many times and struck a deal, and they mutually support one another. Working with Kestral, BW has provided convoy security for Defense Dept shipments destined for Afghanistan that would arrive in the port at Karachi. BW would guard the supplies as they were transported overland from Karachi to Peshawar and then west through the Torkham border crossing, the most important supply route for the US military in Afghanistan. BW also integrate with Kestral’s forces in sensitive operations in the North-West Frontier Province, where they work in conjunction with the Pakistani Interior Ministry’s paramilitary force, known as the Frontier Corps.
The BW personnel are technically advisers, but the line often gets blurred in the field. BW is providing the actual guidance on how to do things, and Kestral’s folks are carrying a lot of them out, but they’re having the guidance and the overwatch from some BW guys that will actually go out with the teams when they’re executing the job. You can see how that can lead to other things in the border areas. When BW are out with the Pakistani teams, sometimes its men engage in operations. You’ve got BW guys that are assisting, and they’re all going to want to go on the jobs, so they’re going to go with them. So, the things that you’re seeing in the news about how this Pakistani military group came in and raided this house or did this or did that, in some of those cases, you’re going to have Western folks that are right there at the house, if not in the house. BW is paid by the Pakistani government through Kestral for consulting services. That gives the Pakistani government the cover to say, ‘Hey, no, we don’t have any Westerners doing this. It’s all local and our people are doing it.’ But it gets them the expertise that Westerners provide for related work.
The military intelligence source confirmed Blackwater works with the Frontier Corps, saying:
There’s no real oversight. It’s not really on people’s radar screen.
In October, in response to Pakistani news reports that a Kestral warehouse in Islamabad was being used to store heavy weapons for Blackwater, the US Embassy in Pakistan released a statement denying the weapons were being used by “a private US security contractor.” The statement said:
Kestral Logistics is a private logistics company that handles the importation of equipment and supplies provided by the US to the Government of Pakistan. All of the equipment and supplies were imported at the request of the Government of Pakistan, which also certified the shipments.
Since Obama was inaugurated, the US has expanded drone bombing raids in Pakistan. Obama first ordered a drone strike against targets in North and South Waziristan on Jan 23, and the strikes have been conducted consistently ever since. The Obama administration has now surpassed the number of Bush-era strikes in Pakistan, and has faced fierce criticism from Pakistan and some US lawmakers over civilian deaths. A drone attack in June killed as many as sixty people attending a Taliban funeral. In August, the NYT reported that Blackwater works for the CIA at hidden bases in Pakistan and Afghanistan, where the company’s contractors assemble and load Hellfire missiles and 500-pound laser-guided bombs on remotely piloted Predator aircraft. In February, the Times of London obtained a satellite image of a secret CIA airbase in Shamsi, in Pakistan’s southwestern province of Baluchistan, showing three drone aircraft. The NYT also reported that the agency uses a secret base in Jalalabad, Afghanistan, to strike in Pakistan. The military intelligence source says that the drone strike that reportedly killed Pakistani Taliban leader Baitullah Mehsud, his wife and his bodyguards in Waziristan in August was a CIA strike, but that many others attributed in media reports to the CIA are actually JSOC strikes:
Some of these strikes are attributed to OGA, but in reality it’s JSOC and their parallel program of UAVs, because they also have access to UAVs. So when you see some of these hits, especially the ones with high civilian casualties, those are almost always JSOC strikes. Blackwater continues to work for the CIA on its drone bombing program in Pakistan, but Blackwater is working on JSOC’s drone bombings as well. It’s Blackwater running the program for both CIA and JSOC. When civilians are killed, people go, ‘Oh, it’s the CIA doing crazy shit again unchecked.’ Well, at least 50% of the time, that’s JSOC hitting somebody they’ve identified through HUMINT or they’ve culled the intelligence themselves, or it’s been shared with them and they take that person out, and that’s how it works.
CIA operations are subject to Congressional oversight, unlike the parallel JSOC bombings. Targeted killings are not the most popular thing in town right now, and the CIA knows that. Contractors, and especially JSOC personnel working under a classified mandate, are not overseen by Congress, so they just don’t care. If there’s one person they’re going after and there’s thirty-four people in the building, thirty-five people are going to die. That’s the mentality. They’re not accountable to anybody and they know that. It’s an open secret, but what are you going to do, shut down JSOC? In addition to working on covert action planning and drone strikes, Blackwater Select also provides private guards to perform the sensitive task of security for secret US drone bases, JSOC camps and DIA camps inside Pakistan
Col. Wilkerson said that he is concerned that with Gen. McChrystal’s elevation as the military commander of the Afghan war, which is increasingly seeping into Pakistan, there is a concomitant rise in JSOC’s power and influence within the military structure. Wilkerson told the Nation:
I don’t see how you can escape that; it’s just a matter of the way the authority flows and the power flows, and it’s inevitable, I think. I’m alarmed when I see execute orders and combat orders that go out saying that the supporting force is CENTCOM and the supported force is JSOC. That’s backward. But that’s essentially what we have today.
From 2003 to 2008 McChrystal headed JSOC, which is headquartered at Pope Air Force Base and Fort Bragg in North Carolina, where Blackwater’s 7,000-acre operating base is also situated. JSOC controls the Army’s Delta Force, the Navy’s SEAL Team 6, as well as the Army’s 75th Ranger Regiment and 160th Special Operations Aviation Regiment, and the Air Force’s 24th Special Tactics Squadron. JSOC performs strike operations, reconnaissance in denied areas and special intelligence missions. Blackwater, which was founded by former Navy SEALs, employs scores of veteran Special Forces operators, which several former military officials pointed to as the basis for Blackwater’s alleged contracts with JSOC. Since 9/11, many top-level Special Forces veterans have taken up employment with private firms, where they can make more money doing the highly specialized work they did in uniform. Retired Army Lieut.-Col. Addicott, a well-connected military lawyer who served as senior legal counsel for US Army Special Forces, said:
The Blackwater individuals have the experience. A lot of these individuals are retired military, and they’ve been around twenty to thirty years and have experience that the younger Green Beret guys don’t. They’re known entities. Everybody knows who they are, what their capabilities are, and they’ve got the experience. They’re very valuable.
The military intelligence source said:
They make much more money being the smarts of these operations, planning hits in various countries and basing it off their experience in Chechnya, Bosnia, Somalia, Ethiopia. They were there for all of these things, they know what the hell they’re talking about. And JSOC has unfortunately lost the institutional capability to plan within, so they hire back people that used to work for them and had already planned and executed these operations. They hired back people that jumped over to Blackwater Select and then pay them exorbitant amounts of money to plan future operations. It’s a ridiculous revolving door.
While JSOC has long played a central role in US counterterrorism and covert operations, military and civilian officials who worked at the Defense and State Departments during the Bush administration described in interviews with the Nation an extremely cozy relationship that developed between the executive branch, primarily through Cheney and Rumsfeld, and JSOC. During the Bush era, Special Forces turned into a virtual stand-alone operation that acted outside the military chain of command and in direct coordination with the White House. Throughout the Bush years, it was largely Gen. McChrystal who ran JSOC. Col. Wilkerson said that almost immediately after assuming his role at the State Dept under Powell, he saw JSOC being politicized and developing a close relationship with the executive branch. He saw this begin, he said, after his first Delta Force briefing at Fort Bragg:
What I was seeing was the development of what I would later see in Iraq and Afghanistan, where Special Operations forces would operate in both theaters without the conventional commander even knowing what they were doing. That’s dangerous, that’s very dangerous. You have all kinds of mess when you don’t tell the theater commander what you’re doing. I think Cheney and Rumsfeld went directly into JSOC. I think they went into JSOC at times, perhaps most frequently, without the SOCOM commander at the time even knowing it. The receptivity in JSOC was quite good. I think Cheney was actually giving McChrystal instructions, and McChrystal was asking him for instructions.
The relationship between JSOC and Cheney and Rumsfeld built up initially because Rumsfeld didn’t get the responsiveness. He didn’t get the can-do kind of attitude out of the SOCOM commander, and so as Rumsfeld was wont to do, he cut him out and went straight to the horse’s mouth. At that point you had JSOC operating as an extension of the administration doing things the executive branch, Cheney and Rumsfeld, wanted it to do. This would be more or less carte blanche. You need to do it, do it. It was very alarming for me as a conventional soldier. The JSOC teams caused diplomatic problems for the US across the globe. When these teams started hitting capital cities and other places all around the world, Rumsfeld didn’t tell State either. The only way we found out about it is our ambassadors started to call us and say, ‘Who the hell are these six-foot-four white males with eighteen-inch biceps walking around our capital cities?’ So we discovered this, we discovered one in South America, for example, because he actually murdered a taxi driver, and we had to get him out of there real quick. We rendered him home.
As part of their strategy, Rumsfeld and Cheney also created the Strategic Support Branch, which pulled intelligence resources from the DIA and the CIA for use in sensitive JSOC operations. The SSB was created using reprogrammed funds without explicit congressional authority or appropriation, according to the WaPo. The SSB operated outside the military chain of command and circumvented the CIA’s authority on clandestine operations. Rumsfeld created it as part of his war to end near total dependence on CIA. Under US law, the Defense Dept is required to report all deployment orders to Congress. But guidelines issued in Jan 2005 by former Under-Sec. Def. for Intelligence Cambone stated that Special Operations forces may conduct clandestine HUMINT operations before publication of a deployment order. This effectively gave Rumsfeld unilateral control over clandestine operations. The military intelligence source said that when Rumsfeld was Def. Sec., JSOC was deployed to commit some of the darkest acts, in part to keep them concealed from Congress:
Everything can be justified as a military operation versus a clandestine intelligence performed by the CIA, which has to be informed to Congress. They were aware of that and they knew that, and they would exploit it at every turn and they took full advantage of it. They knew they could act extra-legally and nothing would happen because (a) it was sanctioned by DoD at the highest levels, and (b) who was going to stop them? They were preparing the battlefield, which was on all of the PowerPoints: ‘Preparing the Battlefield.’
For months, the Pakistani media has been flooded with stories about Blackwater’s alleged growing presence in the country. For the most part, these stories have been ignored by the US press and denounced as lies or propaganda by US officials in Pakistan. But the reality is that, although many of the stories appear to be wildly exaggerated, Pakistanis have good reason to be concerned about Blackwater’s operations in their country. It is no secret in Washington or Islamabad that Blackwater has been a central part of the wars in AfPak and that the company has been involved almost from the beginning of the war on terror with clandestine US operations. Indeed, Blackwater is accepting applications for contractors fluent in Urdu and Punjabi. The Christian Science Monitor recently reported that Blackwater provides security for a US-backed aid project in Peshawar, suggesting the company may be based out of the Pearl Continental, a luxury hotel the US reportedly is considering purchasing to use as a consulate in the city. Reports of Blackwater’s alleged presence in Karachi and elsewhere in the country have been floating around the Pakistani press for months. Hamid Mir, a prominent Pakistani journalist who rose to fame after his 1997 interview with Osama bin Laden, claimed in a recent interview that Blackwater is in Karachi. In September, the Pakistani press covered a report on Blackwater allegedly submitted by Pakistan’s intelligence agencies to the federal interior ministry. In the report, the intelligence agencies reportedly allege that Blackwater was provided houses by a federal minister who is also helping them clear shipments of weapons and vehicles through Karachi’s Port Qasim on the coast of the Arabian Sea. The military intelligence source did not confirm this but did say:
The port jives, because they have a lot of SEALs and they would revert to what they know, the ocean, instead of flying stuff in.
The Nation cannot independently confirm these allegations and has not seen the Pakistani intelligence report. But according to Pakistani press coverage, the intelligence report also said Blackwater has acquired bungalows in the Defense Housing Authority in the city. According to the DHA website, it is a large residential estate originally established for the welfare of the serving and retired officers of the Armed Forces of Pakistan. Its motto is “Home for Defenders.” The report alleges Blackwater is receiving help from local government officials in Karachi and is using vehicles with license plates traditionally assigned to members of the national and provincial assemblies, meaning local law enforcement will not stop them. Lt. Col. Addicott, who now runs the Center for Terrorism Law at St. Mary’s University School of Law in San Antonio, Texas, said:
We are using contractors for things that in the past might have been considered to be a violation of the Geneva Convention. In my opinion, we have pressed the envelope to the breaking limit, and it’s almost a fiction that these guys are not in offensive military operations. If we were subjected to the International Criminal Court, some of these guys could easily be picked up, charged with war crimes and put on trial. That’s one of the reasons we’re not members of the International Criminal Court.
If there is one quality that has defined Blackwater over the past decade, it is the ability to survive against the odds while simultaneously reinventing and rebranding itself. That is most evident in Afghanistan, where the company continues to work for the US military, the CIA and the State Dept despite intense criticism and almost weekly scandals. Blackwater’s alleged Pakistan operations, said the military intelligence source, are indicative of its new frontier:
Having learned its lessons after the private security contracting fiasco in Iraq, Blackwater has shifted its operational focus to two venues: protecting things that are in danger and anticipating other places we’re going to go as a nation that are dangerous. It’s as simple as that.