either trump is the antichrist, or jared is

Trump threatens to wipe Afghanistan “off the face of the Earth”
Sampath Perera, Keith Jones, WSWS, JUl 24 2019

Pres Trump, at a joint White House press conference Monday with Pakistani PM Imran Khan, threatened to “kill 10 million” Afghans in “a week” so as to win a quick victory in Pindostan’s longest war. The Pindo c-in-C cavalierly boasted that he could wipe Afghanistan “off the face of the Earth” if he wanted, but he said that he prefers to “extricate” Pindostan from the eighteen-year-long Afghan War, and expects Pakistan to facilitate this by helping secure a “settlement” with the Taliban. Trump claimed:

We’re like policemen. We’re not fighting a war. If we wanted to fight a war in Afghanistan and win it, I could win it in a week. I just don’t want to kill 10 million people. I have a plan to win that war in a very short period of time. 10 million dead. You understand that better than anybody.

To underscore that his remarks were meant as a threat, Trump turned toward Khan as he spoke. Pakistan’s PM voiced no objection to Trump’s threat to unleash genocidal violence against Pakistan’s northern neighbor, but instead slavishly hailed the Pindo president as the head of the “most powerful country in the world.” Later, he issued an obsequious tweet thanking Trump “for his warm & gracious hospitality” and “his wonderful way of putting our entire delegation at ease.” The Pindo puppet regime in Kabul was forced to call for a “clarification” of Trump’s remarks, while feebly protesting that “foreign heads of state cannot determine Afghanistan’s fate in the absence of the Afghan leadership.” In contrast, people across Afghanistan reacted with horror and outrage, sentiments shared by tens of millions around the world. The Pindo media downplayed Trump’s bloodcurdling remarks. The NYT buried mention of them at the end of an article titled:

Trump Tries Cooling Tensions With Pakistan to Speed Afghan Peace Talks.

Trump’s Monday remarks are only his latest threat to annihilate a foreign country and reveal that the Pindo president, who has ordered a $1T “modernization” of the Pindo nuclear arsenal and the Pindo withdrawal from the INF Treaty with Russia, is actively considering unleashing nuclear violence to forestall the collapse of global Pindo hegemony. In Aug 2017, Trump threatened to unleash “fire and fury like the world has never seen” against North Korea, an impoverished nation of 25 million people. In Jul 2018, he directed a similar threat against Iran, tweeting:

Trump’s crude threats, which recall nothing so much as the menacing rants of Adolf Hitler in the run-up to WW2, are viewed as impolitic by much of the Faschingstein elite, but the military security apparatus and the political establishment of both parties is unanimous in its support for using violence, aggression and war to offset Pindo imperialism’s economic decline. The Afghan War is only one of an endless series of wars that Pindostan has waged across the MENA, in Central Asia and in the Balkans since 1991. Moreover, the drive for Pindo global hegemony has now metastasized into strategic offensives, including threatening military deployments, trade wars and economic sanctions against nuclear-armed Russia and China.  Whilst Afghanistan no doubt was at the center of the discussions that Khan, Pakistan Army chief Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa, and Lt-Gen Faiz Hamid, the head of the ISI, held with Trump and senior officials in his administration, the Pindo war drive against Iran was no doubt also a factor in the decision to invite Pakistan’s PM to Faschingstein for the first time in five years. Last month, Pindo warplanes were just ten minutes away from unleashing bombs on Iran, when Trump called them back for fear that Pindo forces were not sufficiently ready for a military conflict with Iran that would rapidly engulf the entire Middle East and potentially draw in other great powers.

Bowing to the Pindo sanctions against Iran, which are themselves tantamount to war, Pakistan has once again put on ice plans for a pipeline to import Iranian natural gas. But the Pentagon and CIA will also be pressing Pakistan, which enjoys close ties to the virulently anti-Iranian Saudi monarchy, to use its territory as a staging ground for intrigues, if not military operations, against Iran. Trump’s claim that Pindostan has not really waged war in Afghanistan is absurd. Over the course of the past 18 years, Pindostan and its NATO vassals have deployed hundreds of thousands of troops to Afghanistan, tanks and warplanes, unleashed horrific violence and committed countless atrocities. This includes, under the Trump administration, the dropping on Afghanistan in 2017 of the most powerful conventional or non-nuclear bomb ever deployed. The war, according to conservative estimates, has resulted in 175,000 deaths. If indirect deaths are included, the figure is probably closer to one million. Millions more have been driven from their homes. To this toll, the deaths of nearly 2,300 Pindo military personnel and 1,100 other foreign troops need to be added. Yet today the Taliban controls large swathes of the country, more than at any time since the Pindo invasion in the fall of 2001. If the Taliban, despite their reactionary Islamist ideology, have been able to sustain their insurgency in the face of Pindo firepower, it is because the war is widely recognized to be a neocolonial invasion, aimed at transforming Afghanistan into a Pindo-NATO dependency and outpost in Central Asia; and the Kabul government to be a quisling regime, thoroughly corrupt and comprised of war profiteers, tribal leaders, and other sections of the traditional Afghan elite.

The Afghan debacle, comprising Faschingstein’s failure to subjugate Afghanistan after 18 years of war and the expenditure of more than a trillion dollars, has produced major divisions within the Pindo political and military strategic establishments. Trump is seeking to prod the Taliban into a political settlement that will allow the Pentagon to redeploy its resources to pursue aggression elsewhere, whether against Iran, Venezuela, or Pindo imperialism’s more substantial rivals. However, much of Pindostan’s ruling elite, especially in the military-security apparatus, argues that any settlement must ensure a continued military presence in Afghanistan. This is first and foremost because of its strategic significance: Afghanistan lies at the heart of energy-rich Central Asia, borders both Iran and China and is proximate to Russia. Faschingstein has long been demanding that Pakistan “do more” to place military and political pressure on the Taliban, so as to secure a settlement of the war on terms favorable to Faschingstein. Pakistan’s military security apparatus played a key role in the CIA’s sponsoring of the Mujahiddin guerilla insurgency in Afghanistan in the 1980s, as part of the Pindo drive against the Soviet Union, and subsequently it supported the rise to power of its Taliban offshoot. After Faschingstein abandoned its own attempts to reach a deal with the Taliban regime and seized on the 9/11 events to establish a Pindo foothold in Central Asia, Pakistan provided Faschingstein with pivotal logistical support and subsequently waged a brutal counter-insurgency war against Taliban-aligned forces in its own Federally Administered Tribal Areas. But the Pakistani military, drawing on the CIA playbook, was loath to cut off all ties to the Taliban, so as to ensure that Islamabad had a say in any political settlement to end the war.

Faschingstein’s downgrading of its relations with Islamabad and its promotion of India as its principal South Asian ally, with the aim of transforming it into a Pindo front-line state against China, caused Islamabad to become even more anxious about securing its interests in Afghanistan, and to expand its long-standing military security partnership with Beijing. This latter development, which is exemplified by the $60b China Pakistan Economic Corridor, has enormously aggravated tensions between Faschingstein and Islamabad. Over the past decade, and particularly since 2011, there has been an unravelling of Pindo-Pakistani ties. Khan, like his predecessor Nawaz Sharif, had long been pressing for an invitation to Faschingstein, in an attempt to reset relations with Pindostan. For both economic and geopolitical reasons, Islamabad is desperately hoping that it can find a way, as it did in the past, of balancing between China and Pindostan. Last month, the Pindo-dominated IMF agreed to provide Pakistan with emergency loans. Islamabad has also been rattled by the support Faschingstein has extended to the “surgical” military strikes Delhi mounted in Sep 2016 and Feb 2019, bringing the two rival nuclear-armed powers to the brink of war. Whether Khan’s Pindo trip will in fact arrest the deterioration in Pindo-Pakistani ties remains to be seen. Trump resisted Khan’s entreaties for the immediate restoration of Afghan War Coalition payments and other aid, arrogantly declaring that relations between the two countries are better than “when we were paying that money.” He then suggested if Islamabad bows to Washington’s diktats that could change, adding:

But all of that can come back, depending on what we work out.

Trump did please Khan by saying that he “would love to be” a “mediator” or the “arbitrator” of the Indian-Pakistani conflict over Kashmir. For decades, Pakistan has sought to involve outside powers, especially Faschingstein, in resolving its differences with Delhi. Trump’s remarks, which included the claim that Indian PM Narendra Modi had asked Pindostan to help broker a solution to the Kashmir dispute, immediately set off a political firestorm in India, with Delhi angrily denying that Modi had ever made such a suggestion. India’s ruling elite is also perturbed that thus far it has been excluded from any role in the negotiations with the Taliban and discussions about a so-called political settlement of the Afghan war. But like Khan, Modi was entirely silent about Trump’s threats to annihilate ten million Afghans, presumably through the use of nuclear weapons.

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