Let me just point out that it was Tom Dispatch proprietor Tom Engelhardt who created the imprint that produced the grotesquely ill-informed and in fact jewishly and zionistically misleading “Devil’s Game” by Robert Dreyfuss, which agrees 100% with the neocons on the ‘Nazi’ nature of ‘Islamism’, differing with them only on whether the solution is to carpet-bomb the whole of south Asia, or to subvert it with liberal ‘progress’ instead. A simple give-away in all such books is their routine identification of Hezbollah and Hamas as ‘terrorists’ – RB
Twenty-First Century Blowback?
Nick Turse, Tom Dispatch, Nov 16 2010
The construction projects are sprouting like mushrooms: walled complexes, high-strength weapons vaults, and underground bunkers with command and control capacities; and they’re being planned and funded by a military force intent on embedding itself ever more deeply in the Middle East. If Iran were building these facilities, it would be front-page news and US hawks would be talking war, but that country’s Revolutionary Guards aren’t behind this building boom, nor are the Syrians, Lebanon’s Hezbollah, or some set of al-Qaeda affiliates. It’s the US military that’s digging in, hardening, improving, and expanding its garrisons in and around the Persian Gulf at the very moment when it is officially in a draw-down phase in Iraq. On Aug 31, Obama took to the airwaves to announce “the end of our combat mission in Iraq.” This may, however, prove yet another “mission accomplished” moment. After all, from the lack of a real Iraqi air force (other than the USAF) to the fact that there are more US troops in that country today than were projected to be there in Sep 2003, many signs point in another direction. In fact, within days of the president’s announcement it was reported that the US military was pouring money into improving bases in Iraq and that advance elements of a combat-hardened armored cavalry regiment were being sent there in what was politely dubbed an “advise and assist” (rather than combat) role. On Sep 13, the NYT described the type of operations that US forces were actually involved in:
During two days of combat in Diyala Province, US troops were armed with mortars, machine guns, and sniper rifles. Apache and Kiowa helicopters attacked insurgents with cannon and machine-gun fire, and F-16’s dropped 500lb bombs.
According to the report, US troops were within range of enemy hand grenades and one US soldier was wounded in the battle. Adhering to an agreement inked during Bush 43’s final year in office, the Obama administration has pledged to withdraw all US troops from Iraq by the end of 2011. US military commanders have, however, repeatedly spoken of the possibility of extending the US military’s stay well into the future. Just recently, Sec Def Gates let the Iraqi government know that the US was open to such a prospect, saying:
We’re ready to have that discussion if and when they want to raise it with us.
As the British Guardian’s Martin Chulov wrote last month:
The US is widely believed to be hoping to retain at least one military base in Iraq that it could use as a strategic asset in the region.
Recent events, however, have cast US basing plans into turmoil. Notably unnerving for the Obama administration was a deal reportedly brokered by Iran in which Shia cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, whose forces had repeatedly clashed with US troops only a few short years ago, threw his support behind PM Maliki for a second term in office. This was allegedly part of a regional agreement involving Syria and Lebanon’s Hezbollah that could leave the US military out in the cold. A source informed the Guardian:
Maliki told them he will never extend or renew or give any facilities to the US or UK after the end of next year.
Even if the US was forced to withdraw all its troops from Iraq, however, its military “footprint” in the Middle East would still be substantial enough to rankle opponents of an armed US presence in the region and be a drain on US taxpayers who continue to fund the US “empire of bases.” As has been true in recent years, the latest US military documents indicate that base expansion and upgrades are the order of the day for the little-mentioned US garrisons in the nations around Iraq. One thing is, by now, clear: whatever transpires in Iraq, the US military presence in the Persian Gulf and surrounding environs will be formidable well into the future.
As the “last” US combat troops withdrew from Iraq under the glare of TV lights in the dead of night and rolled toward Kuwait, there was plenty of commentary about where they had been, but almost none about where they were going. In the Gulf War of 1991, the US military helped push Saddam Hussein’s invading Iraqi army out of Kuwait only to find that the country’s leader, Sheikh Jaber al-Ahmed al-Sabah, refused to return home “until crystal chandeliers and gold-plated bathroom fixtures could be reinstalled in Kuwait City’s Bayan Palace.” Today, the US military’s Camp Arifjan, which grew exponentially as the Iraq War ramped up, sits 30 miles south of the refurbished royal complex and houses about 15,000 US troops. They have access to all the amenities of strip-mall USAia, including Pizza Hut, Pizza Inn, Taco Bell, Starbucks, Hardees, Subway, and Burger King. The military talks little about its presence at Arifjan, but Army contracting documents offer clues about its intentions there. A recent bid solicitation, for example, indicated that, in the near future, construction would begin there on additional high strength armory vaults to house “weapons and sensitive items.” In addition to Camp Arifjan, US military facilities in Kuwait include Camps Buehring and Virginia, Kuwait Naval Base, Ali Al Salem Air Base, and Udairi Range, a training facility near the Iraqi border. The US military’s work is also supported by a Defense Logistics Agency distribution center in Kuwait, located not on a US base but in the Mina Abdulla industrial zone about 30 miles south of Kuwait City. Unlike other DLA hubs, which supply US garrisons around the world, the Kuwaiti facility is contractor owned and operated. Made up of a walled compound spanning 104 acres, the complex contains eight climate-controlled warehouses, each covering about four acres, one 250,000 sq ft covered area for cargo, and six uncovered plots of similar size for storage and processing needs. Typical of base upgrades in Kuwai, some massive, some modest, now on the drawing boards, recent contracting documents reveal that the Army Corps of Engineers intends to upgrade equipment at Kuwait Naval Base for the maintenance and repair of ships. In fact, the DoD has already issued more than $18m in construction contracts for Kuwait in 2010.
The US military also operates and utilizes bases and other facilities in the nearby Persian Gulf nations of Qatar, Bahrain, the UAE, and Oman. During the 1930s, the British RAF operated an airfield on Oman’s Masirah Island. Today, the USAF and members of other service branches have settled in there, operating from the island as well as other facilities by special agreement with the sultanate. The USAF is also supported in Oman by “War Reserve Materiel” storage and maintenance facilities, operated by defense contractor Dyncorp, in Seeb, Thumrait, and Salalah Port. From 2001 to 2010, the US military spent about $32m on construction projects in Oman. In September, the Army upped the ante by awarding an $8.6m contract to refurbish the Royal Omani Air Force’s air field at Thumrait Air Base.
US efforts in Bahrain are on a grander scale. This year, the US Navy broke ground on a mega-construction project to develop 70 acres of waterfront at the port at Mina Salman. Scheduled for completion in 2015, the complex is slated to include new port facilities, barracks for troops, administrative buildings, a dining facility, and a recreation center, among other amenities, with a price tag of $580m. There are similar expenditures in neighboring Qatar. In 1996, lacking an air force of its own, Qatar still built Al Udeid Air Base at a cost of more than $1b with the goal of attracting the US military. It succeeded. In Sep 2001, US aircraft began to operate out of the facility. By 2002, the US had tanks, armored vehicles, dozens of warehouses, communications and computing equipment, and thousands of troops at and around Al Udeid. In 2003, the US moved its major regional combat air operations center out of Saudi Arabia and into neighboring Qatar, where the government was ready to spend almost $400m on that high-tech command complex. From then on, Al Udeid Air Base has served as a major command and logistics hub for US regional operations, including its wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Last year, the Pentagon awarded a $52m contract to further upgrade its airfield capabilities, a $44m deal to upgrade other facilities there, and a $6m contract for expanded warehousing capacity. Nor does the building boom there show any signs of abating. A report by the Congressional Research Service issued earlier this year noted:
The Obama administration requested $60m in FY2010 military construction funds for further upgrades to US military facilities in Qatar as part of an ongoing expansion and modernization program that has been underway since 2003 at a cost of over $200m. The administration’s FY2011 military construction request for Qatar is $64.3m.
The Pentagon has also invested heavily in Jordanian military infrastructure. One major beneficiary of these projects has been the international construction firm Archirodon, which between 2006-2008, worked on the construction of the King Abdullah II Special Operations Training Center. This is a state-of-the-art military and counter-terrorism training facility owned and operated by the Jordanian government, but built in part under a $70m US Army Corps of Engineers contract. In 2009, when the 1,235-acre $200m Jordanian training center was unveiled, King Abdullah II gave the inaugural address, praising the facility as a world-class hub for special forces training. Then-CENTCOM head Petraeus was also on hand to laud the facility as “a center of excellence not only for doctrinal development and refinement of technology, tactics and procedures, but for strengthening the regional security network emerging in this area.” Between 2001-2009, the Army awarded $89m in contracts for Jordanian construction projects. This year, it inked deals for another $3.3m, much of it for improvements to KASOTC. Recently, the Army also issued a call for bids for the construction of subterranean complexes at three locations in Jordan, the largest of them approximately 13,000 sq ft. Each of these underground bunkers will reportedly boast a command-and-control operations center, offices, sleeping quarters, cafeterias, and storage facilities. The project is set to cost up to $25m.
According to a 2009 Congressional Research Service report, from 1950- 2006 Saudi Arabia purchased almost $63b in weapons, military equipment, and related services through the Pentagon’s Foreign Military Sales program. Just last month, the US announced that it would conclude new arms deals with the Saudis which would equal that sum, not in another half century but in the next 15-20 years. Labeled a move to counter Iranian power in the region, the deal for advanced tactical fighter aircraft and state-of-the-art helicopters garnered headlines. What didn’t were the longstanding, ongoing US military construction efforts in that country. Between 1950-2006, Saudi Arabia experienced $17.1b in construction activity courtesy of the Pentagon. In the years since, according to government data, the DoD has issued more than $400m in construction contracts for the kingdom, including $33m in 2010 for projects ranging from a dining hall ($6m) to weapons storage warehouses and ammunition supply facilities (nearly $1m). In his 1996 “Declaration of War Against the USAians Who Occupy the Land of the Two Holy Mosques,” Osama bin Laden wrote:
The presence of the USA Crusader military forces on land, sea and air of the states of the Islamic Gulf is the greatest danger threatening the largest oil reserve in the world. The existence of these forces in the area will provoke the people of the country and induces aggression on their religion, feelings, and prides and pushes them to take up armed struggle against the invaders occupying the land.
Since then, the US and bin Laden’s rag-tag guerrilla force, al Qaeda (“the Base”), have been locked in a struggle that has led to further massive US base expansions in the greater Middle East and South Asia. At the height of its occupation, the US had hundreds of bases throughout Iraq. Today, hundreds more have been built in Afghanistan where, in the 1980s, bin Laden and other jihadists, backed and financed by the CIA, the Saudis, and the Pakistanis, fought to expel the Soviet occupiers of that country. As early as 2005, the US military was floating the possibility of retaining some of its Afghan bases permanently. In Iraq, plans for similar permanent garrisons have recently been thrown into doubt by the very government the US helped install in power. Whatever happens in either war zone, however, one thing is clear: the US military will still be deeply dug into the Middle East. While US infrastructure crumbles at home, new construction continues in oil-rich kingdoms, sultanates, and emirates there, courtesy of the Pentagon. It’s a building program guaranteed to further inflame anti-US sentiment in the region. History may not repeat itself, but ominously, just as in 1996 when bin Laden issued his declaration, most USAians have not the slightest idea what their military is doing with their tax dollars in the Persian Gulf and beyond, or what twenty-first century blowback might result from such activities.
Niqnaq 